essays on the meaning of being a citizen

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Essays on the meaning of being a citizen ham program dui essay

Essays on the meaning of being a citizen

Showing a good sense of patriotism is what citizenship means to me. We can show our patriotism by showing our support in our military. Standing by what they are fighting for because our military have sacrificed many lives in defending our country. Showing them that we care about their well-being is one way of being a good citizen.

We can also show a good sense of patriotism by showing respect on our countries flag. Finally coming together as one for the greater good of everyone also shows a good sense of patriotism. As we know people have disagreement or misunderstandings every time; But by coming together as one we show that we stick with each other through thick or thin. It shows that we the people exemplify of what having a good sense of patriotism is. So I closing being patriotic towards our country is what citizenship means to me.

Today we learned that fulfilling your obligations, Living a lifestyle that benefits yourself and the community and by having a good sense of patriotism is what citizenship means to me. Or does it mean something more you than just living here and doing nothing? It is up you to find out and decide on what citizenship means to you. What Citizenship Means To Me.

Accessed July 23, Download paper. Essay, Pages 4 words. Turn in your highest-quality paper Get a qualified writer to help you with. Get quality help now. Verified writer. Proficient in: Citizenship. Deadline: 10 days left. Number of pages.

Email Invalid email. Related Essays. Stay Safe, Stay Original. Not Finding What You Need? Copying content is not allowed on this website. Give us your email and we'll send you the essay you need. Send me the sample. By clicking Send Me The Sample you agree to the terms and conditions of our service. To preserve freedom citizens must first understand what justice is and have the courage to assert themselves when their rights or the rights of others are violated.

If individuals are to be free, they must exercise self-reliance and responsibility to provide for themselves and their families. They must also respect others enough to behave generously when other community members face hardship. Another outgrowth of respect for others is that individuals exercise moderation in their thoughts and actions in order to listen and engage in civil discourse.

Communities built on this foundation also require individuals who apply initiative to act energetically in solving problems, perseverance because problems often do not yield to easy solutions, and honor so that people can trust one another to do the right thing. Civic knowledge is necessary so that people understand their rights and can act with wisdom based on evidence and reason.

In addition to applying these virtues in their own lives, citizens must hold their elected officials accountable to these standards. Seeking to serve the public in a representative office is a heavy responsibility, and voters must exercise vigilance and wisdom as they mark their ballots. What principles guided the Founders in establishing the structure of the U.

Based on their long and diligent study of the kinds of governments that been established in human history, Founders like James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, James Wilson, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Franklin, and George Mason, urged that certain principles must be incorporated in the framework of government in order for it to do its main job, which was protecting the natural rights of the citizens. Those principles of constitutional government included rule of law and due process, the idea that government and citizens alike abided by the same laws regardless of political power, and that those laws must reflect the virtue of justice.

Because all humans are born with equal and inalienable rights, no one is born with a natural right to rule over others, so legitimate government is based on the principle of consent of the governed. In a large and complex society, the principle of consent is generally expressed through the principle of republicanism or representation as the people entrust to certain elected officials the responsibilities of day-today decision-making regarding law and policy.

Because humans are flawed and disposed to increase their own power at the expense of others, Founders believed it is important to preserve the principle of limited government through a complex structure of enumerated, divided, shared powers and checks and balances. The Founders knew that the preservation of liberty would not be easy; it is often difficult for flawed human beings to engage productively with one another to live peaceably in community.

And they also knew that the American experiment in self-government had no chance to succeed without these constitutional principles, as well as personal and civic virtues. Skip to Main Content Resources Library Discover courses, collections, videos, essays, podcasts and more.

View Library. For Educators Explore educational resources, programs, events and more. Learn More. For Students Connect around topics like civics, public policy, economics and more. Upcoming Events Explore our upcoming webinars, events and programs. View All Events. Invest In Our Future The most effective way to secure a freer America with more opportunity for all is through engaging, educating, and empowering our youth. Support now Make your investment into the leaders of tomorrow through the Bill of Rights Institute today!

Make a Donation. Resources Library Arrow icon Activities. Directions: Read the essay and respond to the Review Questions at the end. What is a Citizen? Why did the Founders think virtue is necessary? As nations become more corrupt and vicious, they have more need of masters.

What virtues are necessary in a free society, and who is responsible for cultivating them among the citizens? Be prepared to explain your answer. Why do institutions like government, religious institutions, and voluntary organizations play a secondary, or supporting, role in developing strength of character, compared to the primary role of family?

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NATURAL LAW ESSAYS

The Founders believed that all humans are born with certain natural rights, and that legitimate government is based on the will of the people expressed through the laws they make for themselves through their representatives. Self-government in civil society depends on certain attributes of character, but the government is not the primary institution responsible for inculcating those virtues.

Rather, generating the necessary knowledge, skills, and dispositions is primarily the responsibility of families. The first and most powerful influences on character come from experiences and expectations learned in the family setting. In the endeavor to develop decent human beings who know how to work with one another, solve problems, and resolve disputes productively, families are supported by private institutions such as religious institutions and civic associations.

Government plays a secondary role in encouraging these qualities in a variety of ways, including through its provision of tax-supported community schools. To preserve freedom citizens must first understand what justice is and have the courage to assert themselves when their rights or the rights of others are violated.

If individuals are to be free, they must exercise self-reliance and responsibility to provide for themselves and their families. They must also respect others enough to behave generously when other community members face hardship. Another outgrowth of respect for others is that individuals exercise moderation in their thoughts and actions in order to listen and engage in civil discourse. Communities built on this foundation also require individuals who apply initiative to act energetically in solving problems, perseverance because problems often do not yield to easy solutions, and honor so that people can trust one another to do the right thing.

Civic knowledge is necessary so that people understand their rights and can act with wisdom based on evidence and reason. In addition to applying these virtues in their own lives, citizens must hold their elected officials accountable to these standards. Seeking to serve the public in a representative office is a heavy responsibility, and voters must exercise vigilance and wisdom as they mark their ballots.

What principles guided the Founders in establishing the structure of the U. Based on their long and diligent study of the kinds of governments that been established in human history, Founders like James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, James Wilson, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Franklin, and George Mason, urged that certain principles must be incorporated in the framework of government in order for it to do its main job, which was protecting the natural rights of the citizens.

Those principles of constitutional government included rule of law and due process, the idea that government and citizens alike abided by the same laws regardless of political power, and that those laws must reflect the virtue of justice.

Because all humans are born with equal and inalienable rights, no one is born with a natural right to rule over others, so legitimate government is based on the principle of consent of the governed. In a large and complex society, the principle of consent is generally expressed through the principle of republicanism or representation as the people entrust to certain elected officials the responsibilities of day-today decision-making regarding law and policy.

Because humans are flawed and disposed to increase their own power at the expense of others, Founders believed it is important to preserve the principle of limited government through a complex structure of enumerated, divided, shared powers and checks and balances. The Founders knew that the preservation of liberty would not be easy; it is often difficult for flawed human beings to engage productively with one another to live peaceably in community.

And they also knew that the American experiment in self-government had no chance to succeed without these constitutional principles, as well as personal and civic virtues. Skip to Main Content Resources Library Discover courses, collections, videos, essays, podcasts and more. View Library. For Educators Explore educational resources, programs, events and more. Learn More. For Students Connect around topics like civics, public policy, economics and more.

Upcoming Events Explore our upcoming webinars, events and programs. View All Events. Invest In Our Future The most effective way to secure a freer America with more opportunity for all is through engaging, educating, and empowering our youth. Support now Make your investment into the leaders of tomorrow through the Bill of Rights Institute today! Make a Donation. Resources Library Arrow icon Activities. Directions: Read the essay and respond to the Review Questions at the end.

Acknowledging that in many countries the "ethical-cultural" form of life of the majority is "fused" with the "political culture," he argues that the "level of the shared political culture must be uncoupled from the level of subcultures and their prepolitical identities. Yet language is a key aspect of "ethical-cultural" forms of life, shaping people's worldviews and experiences. It is through language that individuals become who they are.

Since a political community must conduct its affairs in at least one language, the ethical-cultural and political cannot be completely "uncoupled. Indeed, support for the principles of the Constitution has been interpreted as requiring English literacy.

The continuing centrality of language in naturalization policy prevents us from saying that what it means to be an American is purely a matter of shared values. Another misconception about constitutional patriotism is that it is necessarily more inclusive of newcomers than cultural nationalist models of solidarity.

Its inclusiveness depends on which principles are held up as the polity's shared principles, and its normative substance depends on and must be evaluated in light of a background theory of justice, freedom, or democracy; it does not by itself provide such a theory. Consider ideological requirements for naturalization in U. The first naturalization law of required nothing more than an oath to support the U.

The second naturalization act added two ideological elements: the renunciation of titles or orders of nobility and the requirement that one be found to have "behaved as a man. It has also been interpreted as disqualifying anarchists, polygamists, and conscientious objectors for citizenship. In , support for communism was added to the list of grounds for disqualification from naturalization — as well as grounds for exclusion and deportation. In contrast to constitutional patriots, liberal nationalists acknowledge that states cannot be culturally neutral even if they tried.

States cannot avoid coercing citizens into preserving a national culture of some kind because state institutions and laws define a political culture, which in turn shapes the range of customs and practices of daily life that constitute a national culture. David Miller, a leading theorist of liberal nationalism, defines national identity according to the following elements: a shared belief among a group of individuals that they belong together, historical continuity stretching across generations, connection to a particular territory, and a shared set of characteristics constituting a national culture.

I share a national culture with someone, even if we never meet, if each of us has been initiated into the traditions and customs of a national culture. What sort of content makes up a national culture? Miller says more about what a national culture does not entail. It need not be based on biological descent. Even if nationalist doctrines have historically been based on notions of biological descent and race, Miller emphasizes that sharing a national culture is, in principle, compatible with people belonging to a diversity of racial and ethnic groups.

In addition, every member need not have been born in the homeland. Thus, "immigration need not pose problems, provided only that the immigrants come to share a common national identity, to which they may contribute their own distinctive ingredients.

Liberal nationalists focus on the idea of culture, as opposed to ethnicity or descent, in order to reconcile nationalism with liberalism. Thicker than constitutional patriotism, liberal nationalism, Miller maintains, is thinner than ethnic models of belonging.

Both nationality and ethnicity have cultural components, but what is said to distinguish "civic" nations from "ethnic" nations is that the latter are exclusionary and closed on grounds of biological descent; the former are, in principle, open to anyone willing to adopt the national culture.

Yet the civic-ethnic distinction is not so clear-cut in practice. Every nation has an "ethnic core. This is a Western mirage, reality-as-wish; closer examination always reveals the ethnic core of civic nations, in practice, even in immigrant societies with their early pioneering and dominant English and Spanish culture in America, Australia, or Argentina, a culture that provided the myths and language of the would-be nation.

This blurring of the civic-ethnic distinction is reflected throughout U. Why, then, if all national cultures have ethnic cores, should those outside this core embrace the national culture? Miller acknowledges that national cultures have typically been formed around the ethnic group that is dominant in a particular territory and therefore bear "the hallmarks of that group: language, religion, cultural identity.

The major difficulty here is that national cultures are not typically the product of collective deliberation in which all have the opportunity to participate. The challenge is to ensure that historically marginalized groups, as well as new groups of immigrants, have genuine opportunities to contribute "on an equal footing" to shaping the national culture. Without such opportunities, liberal nationalism collapses into conservative nationalism of the kind defended by Samuel Huntington.

He calls for immigrants to assimilate into America's "Anglo- Protestant culture. Cultural nationalist visions of solidarity would lend support to immigration and immigrant policies that give weight to linguistic and ethnic preferences and impose special requirements on individuals from groups deemed to be outside the nation's "core culture.

They were treated not as immigrants but "resettlers" Aussiedler who acted on their constitutional right to return to their country of origin. In contrast, non-ethnically German guestworkers Gastarbeiter were designated as "aliens" Auslander under the German Alien Law and excluded from German citizenship.

The language requirement in contemporary naturalization policies in the West is the leading remaining example of a cultural nationalist integration policy; it reflects not only a concern with the economic and political integration of immigrants but also a nationalist concern with preserving a distinctive national culture. Constitutional patriotism and liberal nationalism are accounts of civic solidarity that deal with what one might call first-level diversity.

Individuals have different group identities and hold divergent moral and religious outlooks, yet they are expected to share the same idea of what it means to be American: either patriots committed to the same set of ideals or co-nationals sharing the relevant cultural attributes. Charles Taylor suggests an alternative approach, the idea of "deep diversity. Taylor introduces the idea of deep diversity in the context of discussing what it means to be Canadian:.

Someone of, say, Italian extraction in Toronto or Ukrainian extraction in Edmonton might indeed feel Canadian as a bearer of individual rights in a multicultural mosaic. Civic solidarity or political identity is not "defined according to a concrete content," but, rather, "by the fact that everybody is attached to that identity in his or her own fashion, that everybody wants to continue that history and proposes to make that community progress.

In our world, membership in a political community provides goods we cannot do without; this, above all, may be the source of our desire for political community. Even though Taylor contrasts Canada with the United States, accepting the myth of America as a nation of immigrants, the United States also has a need for acknowledgment of diverse modes of belonging based on the distinctive histories of different groups.

Native Americans, African Americans, Irish Americans, Vietnamese Americans, and Mexican Americans: across these communities of people, we can find not only distinctive group identities, but also distinctive ways of belonging to the political community. Deep diversity is not a recapitulation of the idea of cultural pluralism first developed in the United States by Horace Kallen, who argued for assimilation "in matters economic and political" and preservation of differences "in cultural consciousness.

The ethnic-political distinction maps onto a private-public dichotomy; the two spheres are to be kept separate, such that Irish Americans, for example, are culturally Irish and politically American. In contrast, the idea of deep diversity recognizes that Irish Americans are culturally Irish American and politically Irish American. As Michael Walzer put it in his discussion of American identity almost twenty years ago, the culture of hyphenated Americans has been shaped by American culture, and their politics is significantly ethnic in style and substance.

While attractive for its inclusiveness, the deep diversity model may be too thin a basis for civic solidarity in a democratic society. Can there be civic solidarity without citizens already sharing a set of values or a culture in the first place?

In writing elsewhere about how different groups within democracy might "share identity space," Taylor himself suggests that the "basic principles of republican constitutions — democracy itself and human rights, among them" constitute a "non-negotiable" minimum. Yet, what distinguishes Taylor's deep diversity model of solidarity from Habermas's constitutional patriotism is the recognition that "historic identities cannot be just abstracted from. What matters is not so much the content of solidarity, but the ethos generated by making the effort at mutual understanding and respect.

Canada's approach to the integration of immigrants may be the closest thing there is to "deep diversity. Through its official multiculturalism policies, Canada expresses a commitment to the value of diversity among immigrant communities through funding for ethnic associations and supporting heritage language schools.

Multicultural accommodations actually provide the conditions under which immigrant integration might genuinely become a two-way process. Such policies send a strong message that immigrants are a welcome part of the political community and should play an active role in shaping its future evolution.

The question of solidarity may not be the most urgent task Americans face today; war and economic crisis loom larger.